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Dette er navnetekortet de har skrevet ut for meg: OFX GlobalPosted I går klokka 10:57 av IBS Focus Prefab forsterker Modular House Portable Toilet Leverandør for Cabin, Portable Toalettforsterker Guard House go. ibsfocus. mycabin IBS Focus Construction er et selskap som driver på arbeid med bygging og renovering av bygninger med IBS-teknologi (Industrial Building Systems) akkreditert av CIDB og SIRIM. Med over 20 års erfaring innen boligbygging, setter vi alltid kundetilfredshet med høy kvalitet arbeid. Foreløpig ikke startet Skrevet i går klokka 10:57 av IBS Focus Prefab forsterker Modular House Guard House Leverandør for Cabin, Portable Toalettforsterker Guard House go. ibsfocus. mycabin IBS Focus Construction er et selskap som utfører arbeidet med bygging og renovering av bygninger med IBS-teknologi (Industrial Building Systems) akkreditert av CIDB og SIRIM. Med over 20 års erfaring innen boligbygging. Foreløpig ikke startet Skrevet i går klokken 10:54 av IBS Focus Prefab forsterker Modular House Economy Isolert Cabin Leverandør for Cabin, Portable Toalettforsterker Guard House go. ibsfocus. mycabin IBS Focus Construction er et selskap som utfører arbeidet med bygging og renovering av bygninger med IBS-teknologi (industribygning. ennå ikke startet Posted i går klokken 10:45 av IBS Focus Prefab forsterker Modular House Economy Isolert Cabin Leverandør For Cabin, Portable Toalett Amp Guard House go. ibsfocus. mycabin IBS Focus Construction er et selskap som driver videre arbeidet med bygging og renovering av bygninger med IBS-teknologi (Industrial Building. Ikke startet ennå. Posted I går klokka 10:44 av IBS Focus Prefab amp. Modular House Deluxe Isolert Cabin Supplier For Cabin, Portable Toilet Amp Guard House go. ibsfocus. mycabin Ikke startet ennå Medlem siden Nov 2015 Innlegg 0 Blogginnlegg 13 Alle klokkeslett er GMT 8. Klokka er nå 03:05. Alle innlegg utgitt her er bare basert på individuelle synspunkter, og de representerer ikke uttrykkelig eller ved implikasjoner de som tilhører CariGold eller dens eier. Det er herved klart at CariGold ikke støtter, støtter, vedtar eller garanterer visninger, programmer og eller forretningsmuligheter som er lagt ut her. CariGold gir heller ikke noe investeringsråd til noen medlemmer og eller lesere. Alle medlemmer og lesere rådes til uavhengig å konsultere sine egne konsulenter, advokater og familie før de foretar investeringer og / eller forretningsbeslutninger. Dette forumet er bare et sted for generelle diskusjoner. Det er hermed avtalt av alle medlemmer og eller lesere som CariGold. com er på ingen måte ansvarlig og ansvarlig for eventuelle skader og eller tap som noen av dere har gjort. John Champagne Making and Unmaking Primo Levi Først av alt tror jeg at vi burde argumentere for en tilbaketrekking fra Libanon. Så er det like presserende å stoppe viderebygging av bosetninger i de okkuperte områdene. Etter det, som jeg sa, ville jeg forsiktig, men fast bevege meg på en tilbaketrekking fra Vestbredden og Gaza. Primo Levi, hvis dette er en stat, 1984 Månedlig magasin av Comunit Ebraica di Roma (Jødisk kongregasjon av Roma), Shalom, offentliggjør hendelser av lokal interesse i juni 2013-spørsmålet, inkludert Primo Levi blant oss, og utlyste utstillingen Survivor. Primo Levi i portretter av Larry Rivers (De Canino 2013, 41). Inne i Museo Ebraico di Roma, i rommet med tittelen Fra Emancipation til i dag, løp utstillingen fra 9. mai til 15. oktober 2013. Det var organisert rundt tre multimediaverk: Overlevende (cm 186 x 152,5 x 15), periodisk tabell (oppkalt etter en av Levis mest kjente samlinger av personlige essays cm. 186 hx 146 x 15), og Vitne (cm 191 HX 162.5 X 15), hvert halvlengdsportrett av den turinske forfatteren (Melasecchi 2013). 1 Tidligere innredet i et konferanserom på La Stampa-kontorer i Torino (som mellom 1959 og 1968 bidro Levi regelmessig), hadde disse portrettene aldri vært tilgjengelig for publikum. 2 Det samme spørsmålet om Shalom inkluderte også artikkelen Zionisme, et ord som ikke alle forstår (Volli 2013). 3 En undersøkelse av en uendelig kampanje med delegitimasjon og demonisering over hele verden mot Israel, identifiserer artikkelen de siste kritikkene til den nasjonale staten fra både venstre og høyre. Ved å knytte slike kritikk til degenerasjonen av anti-israelsk følelse i terrorisme, hevder artikkelen spesielt at selv den offisielle pressen til italiensk jødedom har nylig utgitt angrep mot Israel. Et eksempel nevnt er et essay av Simon Levis Sullam (2013) som tar utgangspunkt i angrepet på synagogen i Roma i 1982 for en dyp delegitimasjon av Israel, dets lederskap og dens katastrofale politikk (Volli 2013 ordene i sitatene er Sullams). Interessant, har Shalom-forfatteren avvist, med vilje eller på annen måte, noen av Sullams-ordene, som sitatet faktisk slutter med de siste årene. Samlokaliseringen, i Shalom. av disse to artiklene påkaller utilsiktet den pågående kampen blant de som er tilknyttet italiensk jødedom for å bestemme betydningen av Primo Levi. 4 På den ene siden forsøker visse ansettelser av Levi å begrense sin betydning i stor grad til den italienske jødiske forfatteren og Shoah-overlevende på den andre. Det er anstrengelser for å lage forfatteren en tom signifikator, hvis funksjonelle funksjon er å kondensere et mangfold av problemer til en relativt stabilt politisk prosjekt (Dean 2010, 43-44) og dermed bringe til eksistenspolitiske dagsordener som bare eksisterte tett før (44). 5 Disse ulike problemene kan potensielt ikke bare omfatte Levis pacifisme og kritikk av antisemittisme, men også en kritikk av den israelske okkupasjonen og til og med en kritikk av humanismen (Ross 2010). Kanskje er det nok at Levi engang beskrev seg som en centaur, en identitet som ble oppsummert av Marco Belpoliti, og som ikke bare representerer motsetninger, men også foreningen av menneske og dyr, impuls og ratiocinasjon, en ustabil union som er bestemt for å bryte ned. Mannen hest er et symbol på den radikale indre opposisjonen som hver overlevende levde gjennom (2001, xx). Denne semiotiske kampen for å betegne Levi har en lang historie (Cheyette 2007), en som oppnådde en form for fornærmelse i 1982 og dens traumatiske hendelser, inkludert den israelske invasjonen av Libanon, massakrene på Sabra og Shatila, og bombingen av Romer Tempio Maggiore eller stor synagoge (Marzano og Schwarz 2013 Molinari 1995). Levis død i 1987 har dempet denne kampen, for det markerte et punkt der det som forfatteren sa eller ikke sa om Israel, samt hans forhold til hans italienske jødiske identitet, ble ikke bare et spørsmål om stipend og spekulasjon, men noen ganger oppvarmet polemisk . (Selv om forholdene til Levis død er tvetydige, se Gambetta 1999, skrev en kommentar til en New Yorker-blogg i 2013 at både Levis kritikk av Israel og hans selvmord var et produkt av hans pitiable depressive psykiske lidelse Eeman 2013.) 6 I Politikk ut av historien. Wendy O. Brown (2001) utforsker noen av de nye politiske og epistemologiske mulighetene som kommer fra ruinene av modernitet (2001, 5). Brown jobber gjennom post-structuralismens kritikk av metafysikk, metanarrativer og fundamentalisme, og Brown forsøker å lage en fruktbar form for historisk-politisk bevissthet (16), en som ikke tyder på diskrediterte fortellinger om systematisering, periodicitet, utviklingslover eller begrenset , sammenhengende fortid og nåtid (143). Browns-prosjektet er i sympati med en rekke andre tiltak i kjølvannet av kritikken av fundamentalisme, fra det som kalles den estetiske svingen i politisk teori, til de andre uhistoriske debatter i renessansestudier, til postkolonial historiografi som forfulgt av Subaltern Studiegruppe. 7 Alle disse inngrepene håper å fremheve en metode for historisk tenkning som unngår en råhistorik. Alle sirkler rundt en rekke relasjoner, kanskje mest karakteristiske artikulert av Walter Benjamin: mellom estetikk og politikk, fortid og nutid, historik og historisitet (1968, 2014). Leser både Brown og Jacques Derrida, bruker renere renessanselærer Carla Freccero tropene av haunting og spektralitet for å beskrive et affektivt forhold til fortiden og forpliktelsene det bringer. Tenkende historicitet gjennom haunting kombinerer både den tilsynelatende objektiviteten til hendelsene og subjektiviteten til deres affektive liv, foreslår Freccero (2006, 76). Etter Derrida bruker hun begrepet spektralitet for å henvise til hvordan fortiden eller fremtiden presser på oss med en slags insistering eller etterspørsel, et krav som vi må svare på (70). Freccero glosser Derridas sikt som et forsøk på å beskrive en modus for historisk oppmerksomhet som de levende kan ha til det som ikke er tilstede, men på en eller annen måte ser ut som en figur eller en stemme (69-70). Det er klart at vi av de med en investering i italiensk jødedom er hjemsøkt av figuren av Levi. Elverportretter, deres siste utstilling av Museo Ebraico di Roma, fotografier, dikt og gjenstander som er inkludert i utstillingen, utgjør alle en spekulasjonsform som noe spøkelsesverdig blir talt for å løse en måte å ringe på og bli kalt til historisk og etisk ansvarlighet (69). I det følgende leser jeg Larry Riverss portretter av Levi mot bakgrunnen av noen av de diskursive sammenhenger der de var og er innebygd og utstilt. For Rivers-utstillingen avslører de motstridende betydninger som tildeles Levi. Dette er ikke bevisst på museets del heller, det er resultatet av en rekke komplekse omstendigheter, inkludert museumets historie, forholdet til Comunit, dets motstridende museologiske agendaer, og historien om italiensk jødisk og italiensk jødisk identitet. En analyse av elverportretter i sammenheng med utstillingen illustrerer noen av Primo Levis konkurrerende samtidige betydninger. For, som selve tittelen på utstillingen (Primo Levi Among Us) avslører, har Primo Levi kommet for å betegne dette spørsmålet: Hva, i dag, er en italiensk jøde Det er et spørsmål som er så sprø at det eneste, vedvarende vitenskapelige forsøk på italiensk å svar det Shaul Bassis booklength studie, Essere qualcun altro (For å være noen andre) har gått nesten ukjent av den italienske jødiske pressen. Bassi skriver, Flertallet av italienske jøder er for alle praktiske formål reformert i deres mentalitet og religiøse praksis, men er viscerelt motstandsdyktig overfor institusjonalisering av denne tilstanden, sentimentalisering av religiøs ortodoksi, men uvillig eller uinteressert i å observere fullstendig halakh (2011, 252-3). De historiske, økonomiske og politiske forhold som har gjort dette mulig, er skissert i Bassis-boken, og vil bare bli referert til her, men ifølge en italiensk jødisk journalist som skriver ikke på italiensk, men heller engelsk, i Italia, er en tradisjonell jødisk livsstil Forsvinner (Momigliano 2013). Jeg argumenterer for at Primo Levi er blitt en metonymi for den livsstilen, med både ortodokse og reformsinnede italienske jøder (som, som Bassi antyder, i noen tilfeller kan være en og samme) som hevder å være representanter og føler seg like embattled. Både ortodokse og reformorienterte jøder innser at samfunnsrisikoen, i Momiglianos sikt, forsvinner. Den ortodokse reaksjonen er imidlertid å kaste opp grensene til den italienske jødiske identiteten og i prosessen gjøre dem mindre permeable en betingelse som både Bassi og Momigliano hevder er anathema til den italienske jødedomens historie. Som undertekst av Bassis-boken foreslår, foreslår reformorienterte jøder en postmodern, postkolonial jødedom som vil dekonstruere kategoriene som jødedommen historisk har blitt definert av både indre og utenfor, filo - og antisemitisme. (Bassis posisjon er informert av det som kalles på engelsk Nye jødiske kulturstudier se Bassi 2011, 51-73. På de nye jødiske kulturstudiene, se for eksempel Cheyette og Marcus 1998 2002 Boyarin og Boyarin 1997 Eilberg-Schwartz 1992 Gilman 2003 Gruber 2002 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1998.) Når det gjelder min formelle analyse av portrettene, ser jeg det som et nødvendig skritt som bringer sammen estetikk og politikk, sistnevnte oppfattet her ikke bare som politi, men snarere som et tilfelle av dissens (Shapiro 2013, 140 På denne definisjonen av politikk, se også Rancire 1999). Oppmerksom på kunstoppgavens sansige spesifisitet og måten kunstobjektet binder sammen, påvirker og tanker for å foreslå alternative former for å være, og min analyse søker å fremme en kritisk holdning som gir en utfordring til å identifisere politikk generelt og oppmuntre selvrefleksjon snarere enn kapitulering til de allerede institusjonaliserte identitetsområdene som er tilgjengelige innenfor rådende kraftordninger, selv de som utfordrer sosiale utfordringer (shapiro 2013, 8). Den formelle oppfinnsomheten til elverportretter er i tråd med Levis egne forsøk på å uttrykke Shoah, et traumer som utpresset uttrykk gjennom språk (2005, 23), og elverportretter er selv et forsøk på å gjenoppfinne Levi. Kort sagt, for både elver og kanskje selv Levi, virker Primo Levi som hva Deleuze og Guattari (1994, 177) har kalt en estetisk figur: opplevelser, percepts og påvirker, landskap og ansikter, visjoner og blir begreper som uvant ser ut å referere spesielt til elverportretter. Håpet er at samtidig min formelle analyse av portrettene er et svar på et prescient spørsmål for alle som skriver om kunst som forsøker å omgå både en nekrologisk historisk historiemodell (Freccero 2006, 70) som ville fortrylles innen å skrive den tapte andre av fortiden og en relatert modell, historiografi som direkte mesterskap eller bevilgning (71): Er det mulig å unnslippe den beskrivende illusjonen på annen måte enn ved å fordømme representasjonshypotesen som den fortsetter, samtidig som man beholder rettighetene til en analyse som ikke handler om maler, men fortsetter med det, men det krever ikke at vi tillater oss å bli snakket av det, slik det eksperimentet med fortiden, som ifølge Walter Benjamin er historie (Damisch 1994, 263) 8 Ved representasjonshypotesen refererer Damisch til synet på at representasjon er den primære funksjonen til både språk og kunst (238). Denne hypotesen legger vekt på signifikant gjennomsiktighet av tegnet og umuligheten av å reflektere seg selv i representasjonsprosessen (269). Med andre ord er representasjonshypotesen understreket av en realistisk epistemologi som, som min formelle analyse av portrettene vil demonstrere, avviser Rivers. Gitt sin eksplisitte kritikk av identitetspolitikk, leser jeg dermed utfordringer eller i det minste rekontekstualiserer noen av måtene som de som er ansvarlige for Levi-utstillingen, bruker sin figur. Her er for eksempel Museo Ebraicos følelse av hva som står på spill i betydningen av Levi, som det fremgår av ordene til sin nåværende regissør, Alessandra Di Castro. Legg spesielt vekt på identiteten: Overlev. Primo Levi i portrettene Larry Rivers er det første tverrfaglige showet som setter sine synspunkter på det moderne: kampen er å gjøre Museo Ebraico di Roma forteller av vår identitet i dag, både som jøder og italienere. Primo Levi er emblemet, hjørnestenen i denne nye diskursen. Over de tre portrettene forteller elver Levi i alle sine aspekter: forfatteren, vitenskapsmannen, mannen som var underlagt rasemakter og utvisning, og vitnesbyrd om hans erfaring i utryddelsesleirene. I memoria, 2013. Hvordan tar Comunitsmuseet utfordringen å fortælle, via figuren av Levi, en identitet (og tilhørende politikk) som er både italiensk og jødisk. Hva består denne nye diskursen av og hvordan virker det med spor av tidligere lesninger av Levi, minst ett av hvilke selve museet fremhever For Survivor. Primo Levi delte plass med flere gjenstander fra sitt emancipasjonsrom igjen. inkludert et veggpanel som beskriver det negative svaret fra (hva i museeteksten er) unnamed italienske jødiske intellektuelle til Israels invasjon i Libanon og hendelsene til Sabra og Shatila. 9 Det er innen meter av en fortelling om hva museet kaller (uten tvil villedende). Den første smertefulle delen av fellesskapet over Israels gjenstand var tre store portretter av mannen som utgjorde den splittelsen (Di Castro 2010, 61) . Som Marcella Simoni og Arturo Marzano (2010, 33) har hevdet: Når det gjelder mobilisering av intellektuelle, kom den definitive fordømmelsen av regjeringen til da statsminister Menachem Begins invasjon, eufemistisk med tittelen Fred i Galilea, fra Levi, som anklaget Begin å utnytte Shoah med målet om en nasjonal mobilisering i Israel (Simoni og Marzanos ord). Allikevel nevnte heller ikke museets veggtekst eller utstillingen denne tilfeldigheten. Selvfølgelig var dette ikke bare en tilfeldighet ved at rommet valgt for Levi-utstillingen er en som vanligvis huser materiale fra 1900-tallet, inkludert Shoah. I et forsøk på å skape plass til showet, ble noen gjenstander flyttet midlertidig til andre rom, mens andre ble igjen på plass. Som et resultat av måten som museet forestiller romerske jødiske fra antikken frem til i dag, har 1900-rommet bevisst konstruert relasjoner mellom emancipasjon, italiensk zionisme, italiensk jødisk motstand mot fascisme, Shoah i Italia, Israels fødsel og Hendelsene som post-date 1967-krigen, inkludert invasjonen av Libanon, italiensk respons på den invasjonen, og den 9. oktober det året angrepet på Tempio Maggiore av medlemmer av Abu Nidals terrororganisasjon som resulterte i døden av to år gamle Stefano Gay Tach og såret av trettiogtju andre (Champagne og Clasby, kommende). 10 Via den siste utstillingen har Levi blitt (re) satt inn i denne konteksten. 11 Museet startet som en midlertidig plass for fellesskapets liturgiske gjenstander, mange som daterte så langt tilbake da kontrareformasjonen utvidet først til et museum rettet primært mot jøder som besøkte Roma fra Nord-Amerika og deretter vedtatt, i 2005, et program for renovering og omorganisering fra en kronologisk til en tematisk reiserute. (Se Di Castro 2010,13-18 for en museums historie). 12 Denne omorganiseringen var preget av et nittende århundre museumsestetisk pedagogikk (Crane 1997) som søker å utdanne et publikum av jøder og ikke-jøder, italienere og ikke-italienere. 13 For eksempel, mens museets forklaring på religiøs jødedom er ortodokse, og dermed inkluderer utvetydige uttalelser som at jødisk lov krever at menn må dekke deres hoder til enhver tid, og ikke bare i synagogen ((Di Castro 2010, 103 ), viser sin forpliktelse til virkeligheten av den italienske jødiske historiske erfaringen nødvendigvis andre versjoner av italiensk jødedom. Fanget mellom minst tre konkurrerende dagsordener, bevaring av fellesskapets historie og gjenstander, utdanning av ikke-jøder i den religiøse praksis i den ortodokse jødedommen, og en spesielt museologisk dagsorden for tjuende århundre for å invitere kommentarer og kontroverser, som, som Alessandra Di Castros antyder, utgjør Levi-utstillingen delvis, er museet nødvendigvis preget av motsetninger som utgjør sine meget mulige muligheter. museologisk agenda er i seg selv et svar på Benjaminens arbeid og kritikken av museet som fulgte i sin kjerne. (Se, for eksempel, Crimp 1999). Pre-Text: Primo Levi, Italiensk Judaism, og Israel Det har vært en jødisk tilstedeværelse i Italia siden antikken, og i motsetning til mange andre regioner i Europa, utelatt Italia aldri sine jøder (Mendel, 2005). 15 Italia var imidlertid også ansvarlig for oppfinnelsen av ghettoen, den første som stammer fra det sekstende århundre Venezia. I 1555 utgav Pave Paul IV IV Cum nimis absurdum som en del av det katolske svaret på den protestantiske reformasjonen. Den pavelige tyren som opphevet jødiske rettigheter i de pavelige statene, tvang jødene til å leve i ghettoer og ha synlige tegn slik at de kan bli anerkjent overalt, og begrensede jøder i forhold til deres yrker. 16 Det er ekstremt vanskelig å generalisere om italiensk jøders lange og rike historie før italiensk forening, gitt de svært forskjellige forholdene jødene møttes over hele det italienske territoriet. For eksempel, mens både venetianske og romerske jøder var begrenset til ghettoer, vil den tidligere, på grunn av en rekke faktorer, inkludert republikkene, ønske å opprettholde autonomi fra pavemakten og dens anerkjennelse av økonomiske og handelsmessige fordeler av en jødisk tilstedeværelse, blomstret til tross for deres undertrykkelse, utvikle en rik kunstnerisk og intellektuell kultur, hvis innflytelse spredt langt utover getto-veggene romerske jøder, under tommelfingeren av pavemakten, levde i stedet i fattigdom. 17 På forskjellige tidspunkter i europeisk historie flyktet jødene fra andre land til Italia som et resultat av spansk utvisning av 1492, for eksempel så mange italienske jødiske samfunn ankomst av nye medlemmer, som på grunn av getto-lovene var ved sent sekstende århundre kreves vanligvis å tilbe i en enkelt synagoge, til tross for de varierende ritualene som hadde utviklet seg som følge av diasporaene. Som deres venetianske medrogradister blomstret jøder i Livorno under Medici, som var interessert i å tiltrekke seg sardiske handelsmenn utvist fra Spania (Trivellato 2009). Habsburgene så på samme måte fordelene med jødene i Trieste: Alle jøder som kunne øke handelen med frihavnen var velkomne (Dubin 1996, 61) Italys jøder ble først frigjort av Napoleons erobring, men anti-jødiske lover ble gjenopprettet via Restaurering. Jomerne i Torino ble frigjort i 1848 av Carlo Alberto Savoy, på den tiden King of Sardinia (som inkluderte Piemonte). Italienske jøder deltok i stor grad i og støttet Risorgimento og forening av Italia, det var ikke før Roma ble lagt til en forente Italia som romerske jøder ble frigjort, og ulike menigheter i Italia blant dem, bygde Roma og Firenze monumentale synagoger i kjølvannet av forening . Som en forfatter foreslo blant jødene, tok emancipasjonen eksplosjonen av politisk lidenskap for liberale og sosialistiske ideer (Molinari 1995,7 om rollen jødene spilte i italiensk forening, se også Molinari 1991). I løpet av denne perioden var papithuset motstandsdyktig mot den italienske uniformen (Webster 1960, 5-9), og selv etter opprøret av staten motvirket katolsk deltakelse i Italias politiske, sosiale og økonomiske liv en situasjon som var igjen inntil Mussolini undertegnet, på vegne av kong Victor Emanuel III, 1929-Lateran-paktene. Som et resultat av denne historien er det misvisende å snakke hovedsakelig om jødisk italiensk assimilasjon, da den italienske jøders nasjonale identitet ble dannet samtidig med prosessen med italiensk enhet (Molinari 1991, 26). Italiensk jødisk identitet må forstås historisk som i kontinuerlig usikker balanse mellom integrasjon og assimilering (26). Før rasistiske lover fra 1938 tilhørte noen jøder det fascistiske partiet, mens andre motsatte seg fascismen. Levis natalbyen i Torino var et motstandsaktivitetssenter (Nezri-Dufour 2002, 20-21), og mange av dets intellektuelle var medlemmer av den underjordiske antifascistiske organisasjonen Giustizia e libert (Ward 2007, 11). Stiftet i 1929 hadde organisasjonen både medlemmer i Italia og utlandet (Shain 2005, 99). Det hadde et betydelig jødisk medlemskap, og i mars 1934 ble flere av sine medlemmer fra Torino arrestert for anti-fascistisk aktivitet (Sarfatti 2006, 69-79 Zuccotti 1996, 28-29 Nezri-Dufour 2002, 21-22 Felice 2001 , 134-37). Til tross for at medlemmene av organisasjonen ikke var sionister, avbrøt hendelsen en debatt i det fascistiske presset om hvorvidt italiensk jøderes lojalitet var delt mellom Israel og landet deres statsborgerskap. Spørsmålet om Levis forhold til hans jødedom er et komplekst. Levi wrote that it was only as an effect of the 1938 anti-Jewish laws and his deportation to Auschwitz that he came to see himself as Jewish (Levi 1984b, 376, Parussa 2005). 18 In one of his memoirs he describes being amazed that the end of the war did not bring an end to anti-Semitism (1987, 41). 19 Levis family was not religious but did celebrate certain holidays like Rosh Hashanah, Passover, and Purim (Levi 1984, 377). His parents had been married in the synagogue (Thomson 2002, 16) Levi was circumcised according to Jewish custom (Thomson 2002, 18) and had a Bar Mitzvah and the necessary religious training preceding that ceremony. 20 While Levi was far enough along in his own studies that anti-Jewish laws did not interrupt his university education, his younger sister was, like all Jewish children, expelled from her state school in 1938 (83-84). On the complexity of Levis identity, Nancy Harrowitz has argued that Levis family and Levi himself had a distinct Jewish identity, which was in part religious, and could not straightforwardly be labeled assimilated (Harrowitz 2007,18). Indeed, Levis family was typical of many other Italian Jewish families of the time in that they embraced a so-called secular or cultural Judaism (2007, 17 on such families and their identities as Jews, including Levis, see also Nezri-Dufour 2002, 13-19). Paola Valabrega (1997, 264) describes Levis as a typical Jewish family, depository of an atavistic code of values. She also emphasizes the way Levis Jewish identity was deeply tied to his family history and memories and identifies this fondness for the family (and the symbol of the family as haven) as a typically Jewish trope (268). Another important aspect of Levis Jewish identity was an association of Judaism with a passion for learning, subtle debate, and the world of books (Levi, cited in Nezri-Dufour 2002, 15). According to Levi and many other cultural Jews, this lack of orthodox religiosity was due to the fact that Jewish emancipation was the fruit of the secular character of the Italian Risorgimento (Levi 1984b, 76 Nezri-Dufour 2002, 17). In a 1984 interview, Levi stated, I am in favor of the integration of Jews in Italy, but not of their assimilation, their disappearance, the dissolution of their culture. Right here in Turin, there is an example of a Jewish community that is fully integrated into the life and culture of the city, but not assimilated(1984a). As we will see, however, Levis understanding of Italian Judaism, at least as summarized by Harrowitz, is not in keeping with the Comunit Ebraica di Romas Orthodoxy. As Harrowitz writes, Levis family was perhaps closer to what contemporary British or American Jews would call, respectively, Reform or Conservative Judaism (Harrowitz 2007, 17). Levi also resisted being categorized, in the United States in particular, as a Jewish writer (Cheyette 2007, 67). He is reputed to have said once, I dont like labels. Germans do (Angier 200 2, 645). On the other hand, according to one critic, Levi rarely missed an opportunity to identify himself as Jewish throughout his writings (Sungolowsky 2005, 75). This tension between Orthodoxy and Levis Judaism is perhaps most rigorously emblematized in the fact that the Jewish Museum of Rome both claims and does not claim Levi as one of the Comunits own. In mounting the Riverss exhibit and framing that exhibit via the above-cited comments by the Museums director, the Museum itself clearly construes Levi as not only Jewish but as a model of contemporary Italian Jewish identity. 21 Yet as I have mentioned, he is not named in the museums in situ wall commentary concerning the Comunits response to both the invasion of Lebanon and the events of Sabra and Shatila. As for Zionism, at least one biographer has argued that Levi was ambivalent, suggesting that, prior to the Shoah, while he admired the ideals of left-wing Zionism, he was not a Zionist himself (Angier 2002, 628). This same biography suggests this changed after the war, as Levi felt the Jews needed a home where they might be safe from persecution. 22 But immediately he had had doubts and reservations: about the Palestinian expulsions, about the nascent militarism of this homeland born of war (638). Levi visited Israel for the first and only time in 1968 and was disturbed by its militarism and the fact that securing a home for those Jews who had been dispersed by the Shoah occurred without regard to the Arabs living in the region (Thomson 200 2, 340-42). By the 1980s, Levi was one of the promoters of an appeal for withdrawal of the troops and for a peace process to guarantee a homeland to those who did not have one (Belpoliti 2001, xxv). Late in his career, he gave an interview in which he suggested that in the center of gravity of Jewish life was in the Diaspora and that he valued the dispersed, polycentric quality of Jewish culture ( 1984a 290-91). Since Emancipation, some Italian Jews were at best ambivalent about Zionism. 23 A phenomenon linked to Tarquinis analysis was raised often in post-emancipation defenses of Zionism, particularly when Mussolini made a point of questioning Italian Jews commitment to their nation. 24 As Rabbi Sonninos comments suggest, Italians had a long history of sending monetary contributions to poor Jews living in the Middle East. Michele Sarfatti refers to this as philanthropic Zionism, which also sought to free Jews from anti-Semitic persecution (Sarfatti 2006, 11-12). For at least some Italian Jews, however, this did not translate into support for a nascent Jewish state. An Italian historian of science has suggested that Italian Jewish support for Zionism was of only marginal significance until the pressure of the Fascist regime convinced the Jews to turn in that direction (Israel 2004). On the other hand, it has also been suggested that, by the beginning of the twentieth century, Italian rabbis supported Zionism almost without exception (Laquer 2003, 161). Bringing these two comments together, a noted Italian Jewish scholar argues that Italian Zionism before the racial laws was essentially the result of the actions of a group of rabbis (Segre 2000, 190). In any case, both prior to and following the war, Italian Jews did not immigrate in significant numbers to Israel. Historians have argued, however, that, following the war, changes in the leadership of the Comunit, on both the national and local levels specifically, the active part played in Jewish intellectual and cultural life by surviving anti-fascist, pro-Zionist Italian Jews led to a general acceptance of Zionism as a key reference point in Italian-Jewish identity(Schwarz 2009, 370). However, new instability arose when (beginning from 1956 but growing more obvious since 1967) a clearer anti-Zionist position emerged in these Communist and Socialist Italian political parties, unsettling the position of many individual Jews, as well as many Jewish youth organisations (Schwarz 2009, 371). Furthermore, in the post-war period, anti-Zionist feelings were still present within Italian Judaism, but they remained for the most part in the private sphere. (Schwarz 2011, 51). In order to understand Levis later response to Israeli military policies, we might place that response in the larger context of Italian politics and Italys relationship to Israel. On the occasion of the Six Day War, the majority of Italian political forces, the Italian press, and public opinion all sided with Israel, filtering the conflict through the prism of the common struggle against fascism and the memory of the racial persecution (Marzano and Schwarz 2013, 48 on this period, see also Molinari 1995, 28-45 Di Figlia 2012, 77). That war also exposed, however, divisions within the Italian government, but a compromise was arrived at thanks to Prime Minister Aldo Moro, who reaffirmed the right of every State to political independence, territorial integrity, and protection from threats and the use of force, but also considered it necessary to confront the question of the Israeli retreat from the occupied territories in view of a shared stable territorial arrangement of the various parties (Marzano and Schwarz 2013, 51). In 1969, Levi himself joined a protest against Israeli military policy, a protest headed by a group of left-wing Jewish intellectuals in Turin (Angier 2002, 628). Along with thirty others, he signed a document arguing that Palestinian guerrilla activity was not terrorism, but resistance (Molinari 1995, 56). and defining Israels actions as destined to augment extremist and expansionist positions within Israeli society (57). By the time of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the political climate began to change while the majority of Italian public opinion still favored Israel, there were increasing calls, by the leftist parties and press in particular, for the restitution of the territories occupied in 1967 and for the rights of the Palestinians to a national and autonomous entity (Achilli 1989, 187 Di Figlia 2012, 79-80). In 1975, in Levis home of Turin, a new journal, Ha-Keil (The Community), was launched by a group of progressive (their own term) leftist Jews who supported the birth of an independent Palestinian states alongside Israel (Molinari 1995, 87 Di Figlia 2012, 104-09). By the end of the 1970s, in Italy and elsewhere, the Palestinians had become a symbol of a global, revolutionary struggle against imperialism (Marzano and Schwarz 2013, 73). While Levi never equated the Palestinians with the Jewish victims of Fascist violence, according to one writer, he wished to situate the Holocaust in the context of global injustice (Cheyette 2007, 69). This situating included a critique of France in Algeria and the United States in Vietnam. US support for Israel contributed to the perception of the Palestinians as engaged in a struggle for national liberation. As early as 1967, some members of the Italian left were in fact comparing the Israelis to the French and the Americans (Molinari 1995, 33). In Italy, anti-Imperialist struggles took on the particular symbolic contours of the memory of the Resistance and antifascism, which in turn led in some quarters to an equating of the policies of the Israeli government with Nazism (Marzano and Schwarz 2013, 29). 25 By 1981, the situation was further complicated by a rise in right-wing anti-Semitism in Italy as well as anti-Semitic violence in Italy and abroad (100-104). By the time of the 1982 war in Lebanon, Italian public opinion was generally oriented toward a condemnation of Israel (Marzano and Schwarz 2013, 56). Levi has been described as a key figure for understanding the spirit of the time and someone who throughout the war in Lebanon received a great deal of media attention (157). Some of this attention was due to the recent release of his novel Se non ora, qunado Harrowitz characterizes these years as ones in which Levi tried to make the clear the distinctions between Jews and Zionists (Harrowitz 2007, 20). As a result of the 1982 war in Lebanon, termed Operation Peace in Galilee by the Israelis, many Jews living in the Diaspora questioned the relationship between their communities and the state of Israel (Sullam 2013). Opinion was divided on whether Israeli actions constituted a defensive or offensive war. Several Italian Jewish intellectuals, including Primo Levi, signed Perch Israele si ritiri, or Why Israel must withdraw, a condemnation, published June 16, 1982, of the invasion. 26 This document called for opposition to Begin and what the document characterized as the threat he represented, both to a democratic Israel and to the prospect of its peaceful coexistence with the Palestinian people (Scarpa and Soave 2012). It argued that to combat Begin means to combat the germs of a new anti-Semitism and called for the recognition of a Palestinian Resistance (cited in Molinari 1995, 106). On June 24, after calling Israel a country that feels like my second home, Levi stated his fear that the war in Lebanon, frightfully costly in terms of blood, inflicts on Judaism a degradation that can be curable only with difficulty and a tarnished image (1997, 1172). Three days later, in an interview in La Repubblica, Levi (1982b), while resisting the positing of an analogy between Hitlers Final Solution and the quite violent and quite terrible things the Israelis are doing today, nevertheless argued, a recent Palestinian diaspora exists that has something in common with the diaspora of two million years ago (cited in Scarpa and Soave, 2012). 27 On July 6, 1982, in part in response to Levis condemnation, Jewish journalist Rosellina Balbi published, also in La Repubblica, Davide, discolpatior David, defend yourself an article justifying Israels actions as defensive and arguing that any critique of the state of Israel has punctually provoked across Europe tremors of anti-Semitism (quoted in Baroz, 2013). Why Israel Must Withdraw was also critiqued by other Italian Jews, including rabbi Scialom Bahbout, described as one of the most charismatic of Rome (Molinari 1995, 106), and head rabbi Elio Toaff. The issue of the war in Lebanon was brought to a head with the revelation of the September 16-18 massacre of several thousand Palestinian men, women, and children at the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila. The massacre was perpetrated by Lebanese Christian Phalangists whom the Israeli army had invited into the camps (Mieli 2012 Shahid 2002, 38). 28 and to whom they had provided logistical and operational support (Shahid 2002, 42).Following the massacre, in an interview in La Repubblica . Levi called for the resignation of Begin (1982a, 295-303). Levi stated that for Begin, fascist is a definition I accept (1982a, 298). 29 About the failure of the Israeli army to intervene in the atrocities, Levi said, The massacre in these camps reminds me of what the Russians at Warsaw did in August of 1945 they stood by on Vistula while the Nazis exterminated Polish partisans. Certainly like all historical analogies, even mine is inexact. But Israel, like the Soviets then, could have intervened (1982, 301). The next day, he and other Italian Jews demonstrated outside the Israeli embassy (Cicioni 1995, 129). This demonstration revealed the rift between the two spirits of the Italian Comunit, for the traditional and popular base of Roman Judaism was absent from the demonstration (Molinari 1995, 107). In 1983, an International Commission on the deaths at Sabra and Shatila concluded that Israel had violated international law, systematically refused to settle its disputes peacefully (MacBride et al 1983, 128) and played a facilitative role in the actual killings (130). The publication in 2012 of Matteo Di Figlias excellent Israele e la Sinistra . exploring the period from 1945 to today, reinvigorated the debates around Levis politics, prompting commentary from all sides of the political spectrum. 30 Figlias book takes as its project a rereading of the participation of Jews and the Italian Left in the debates on Israel, seeking to complicate the treating of both Jews and the Left as monolithic and tracing out the specific trajectory of the thinking of individual Italian Jewish intellectuals. For example, he offers a more nuanced argument than the claim that those on the Italian left who pursued a pro-Palestinian line were simply following the lead of Cold War Moscow. Until the end of his life, Levi continued to speak out against Israeli military policy when it went beyond what he perceived as defensive. Following his death, and in a kind of summa of Levis sensibility, Stefano Levi Della Torre (1997) a painter, scholar, professor of architecture, and cousin of Levis wrote that Primo was considered by some an irritating character: the more embarrassing a critic, the more morally and intellectually authoritative, and representative of the most terrible of Jewish experiences. But for those Jews who envisaged Hahavat Israel, love for Israel, love for justice as well, and for that tolerance that is founded on memory (Do not oppress a stranger, because you yourselves already know how it feels to be a stranger, because you were strangers in Egypt, Exodus 23:9), Primo Levi was instead a teacher maestro , despite that, as often is the case with teachers, he had neither the intention nor the presumption to be one. (261-262) In 1987, shortly after Levis death, Gianni Agnelli commissioned Larry Rivers to create a portrait that would commemorate both the writer and at the same time the Jews exterminated by the Nazis. Agnelli Fiat heir and tabloid and political figure had studied in the same Turin liceo as Levi. 31 31 Riverss portraits thus constitute a kind of historiography as well as a premonition of what will be the aesthetic turn in political science. Yet it is one that, via its formal properties, is arguably not a history that would seek to identify, and thus stabilize, the meaning of an event or a person (Freccero 2006, 74). Reflecting Riverss aesthetic a mingling of influences from abstract expressionism, cubist collage, and pop art the portraits are assemblages: photographic images of Levi silk-screened, la Andy Warhol, on canvas that has then been mounted on molded polyurethane foam, attached to a background and supplemented with additional images: painted and drawn directly on the canvas or modeled in polyurethane, abstract and representational. The effect is that of a reassembled three-dimensional puzzle hung vertically, Levi having been pieced together by Rivers from the traces left behind after his death. 32 Riverss developed some of these techniques, and their use in the depiction of Holocaust images, in his 1981 Four Seasons at Birkenau. A photograph of Jewish civilian prisoners in a forest is reproduced on foam core. Rivers then alters the image by drawing over it with colored pencils, cutting out various figures (people and trees) and pasting them on top of another piece of form core onto which the artist has drawn additional figures and trees. As in the case of the Levi portraits, an image has been both appropriated by the artist and altered. Being images of images, the portraits, like Four Seasons . seek to circumvent what Walter Benjamin so famously called the art works aura, as the presence of the original is the prerequisite to the concept of authenticity (2014). Riverss deconstruction of authenticity is of a piece with the spectrality of the portraits, suggesting that we inherit not what really happened to the dead but what lives on from that happening, what is conjured from it, how past generations and events occupy the force fields of the present, how they claim us, and how they haunt, plague, and inspirit our imaginations and visions for the future (Brown 2001, 150). It suggests the way that art in the age of mechanical reproduction might contain certain conditions of possibility whereby we might seize hold of a memory as it flashes up at a moment of danger whether that moment be the one in which the portraits were commissioned or the one we inhabit today (Benjamin 1968, 255). Four Season at Birkenau has a particularly complex relationship to linear perspective, as Rivers has disassembled a photograph (which relies for its illusion of three dimensions on the technology of the camera lens) and then reassembled it in a way that adopts from other representational systems alternative methods for creating the illusion of depth, such as layering images on top of one another and using the lower half of the canvas space to represent foreground and the upper half to represent distance. Employed in the painting of religious icons, for example, these precursors to linear perspective are rescued from the trash dump of history and cited by Rivers. Of course, Renaissance painting made use of a whole series of techniques, including the layering of images on top of one another, to create the illusion of depth. When juxtaposed with the rendering of perspective via a photograph, however, the inferiority of these other techniques (in terms of the degree to which they convey the illusion of depth) is foregrounded. These non-Renaissance means of imagining canvas space also refer in complex ways to forms of illustration like comics and advertising. On the one hand, comics often also reject perspective for other means of creating depth, and the Levi portraits in fact have a cartoon like quality that emphasizes drawing (and draftsmanship) over painting. On the other, Riverss use of photographs suggests advertisings exploitation of cheap methods of color photography to create the illusion of an image that the consumer might possess. Riverss techniques of disassembly and over-drawing work against this particular aspect of advertising, perhaps constituting a version of Benjamins envisioned dialectical response to the invention of cheap forms of mechanical reproduction, the withering of the art works aura, and the phony spell of a commodity (1936). In contradistinction to Warhol, rather than musing primarily on the status of publicity, public relations, advertising, and news in commodity culture, Rivers focuses on historical and cultural icons and then alters them via drawing, painting, and sculpting. 33 Riverss appropriations are characterized by a more obvious intervention of the artists hand than Warhols, in the form of both painting and drawing over the silk-screened photographs, in this case indicating a working over rather than a monumentalizing (in the Nietzschian sense) or even an advertising of a fixed image of Levi. Riverss works are thus a visual analogy for the post-war debates in cultural theory concerning the role of human agency in what is increasingly experienced as our collective subjection and subjugation to cultural, economic, and historical forces beyond the control of the individual. Additionally, the playfulness of Riverss pop aesthetic mitigates what Cheyette terms a tendency to appropriate Levi as symbol of Christian redemption via suffering, for example (2007, 69). The title of one of the portraits, Witness, is a word Levi used to refer to himself, opposing it to both victim and one who seeks revenge (cited in Cheyette 2007, 70). Riverss re-imaging of canvas space and combining of media result in what Leo Steinberg so famously categorized as works that no longer simulate vertical fields, but opaque flatbed horizontals (Steinberg 1972, 44). The Levi portraits make symbolic allusion to hard surfaces such as tabletops, studio floors, charts, bulletin boards any receptor surface on which objects are scattered, on which data is entered, on which information may be received, printed, impressed whether coherently or in confusion (44). For while the portraits hang so that they are oriented to the standing human being, the works do not depend on this head - to-toe orientation any more than newspapers or the photographs on which the portraits were based do. They exemplify Steinbergs flatbed picture plane, referring not to the analogue of visual experience of nature but of operational processes (1972, 84). Such an aesthetic suggests that the meaning of Levi is not transparent or self-evident but must be arrived at via labor another way in which Riverss portraits are not simple appropriations but rather reinventions of Levi. Like the work of survival and mourning, Rivers techniques are a working over and through historical trauma. Rivers has taken on aesthetically the problem of representing what in static images is unrepresentable: the temporal and spatial simultaneity of past and present that occurs in the act of remembering, memorys layering of the past over and under the present the spatio-temporal discontinuity between the past and present the almost unfathomable cruelty of the Shoah Levis representation of that cruelty in prose, in Se Questo un uomo specifically, that refuses to turn away from or even sentimentalize its horrors. That is, refusing the critical orthodoxy of the logic that dictates that only a documentary aesthetic is adequate to the representing of the Holocaust, Rivers has attempted to create a plastic equivalent of what it means to be a survivor of a historical trauma (on this orthodoxy, see Cheyette 2007, 68). Riverss layering of images on images doubles Levi so that his torso and face, when shown in profile appear to cast a shadow, but that shadow is itself constructed of foam core. In Survivor . for example, Levis right hand (which touches his chin), his nose, his lips, his shirt pocket and sleeves, and the nose of an internee are all modeled of polyurethane and layered on top of Levis original image, such that Rivers is building images upon images. Depending on how an exhibition space is lit, these raised areas will themselves cast shadows on the canvas, the irregularity of the layering ensuring that almost any lighting whatsoever will produce shadow somewhere on the portraits. As a survivor, Levi is always somewhere marked by shadow but also by light. But not content simply to add to the canvas, Rivers also subtracts, cutting out sections. In Periodic Table . the doors of the crematory oven have been layered atop the canvas, as if the ovens had been constructed and then hollowed out to create their depth. Layered over the hollowed-out space are burning objects, and names of some of the elements are written in cursive script on the ovens emphasizing the canvass flatness, as if it were a chalkboard. In Survivor . part of Levis forehead has been removed and an internees head inserted into it. (For an image of the photograph from which the internee is drawn, see Hunter 1989,52). These techniques foreground the constructedness of the image, re-introducing the artists hand into the work not in a gesture of self-expression but as a reminder of the iconicity of Levi and the construction of Levi as icon. Riverss work, then, is figurative without being realist (Jodidio 1990, 77) as well as a negative intervention in what Benjamin (1968) called the long-since-counterfeit wealth of creative personality (232). Another interesting technique of layering is the use of paint itself to connect the present with the past, sometimes represented on different spatial planes. For example, in Survivor . the past, represented by the stripes of a concentration camp internees uniform, bleed onto the portrait of Levi layered on top of the canvas. In Periodic Table . four black stripes, like the shadows of prison bars, connect a crematory oven with Levis portrait, which is layered on top of the oven. In Witness . Levis hair blends into the smoke from a crematorium, both painted in thick impasto. But this relationship in both portraits between past as background and present as foreground is simultaneously reversed: in Periodic Table . the left side of the crematory oven has been painted over Levi as survivor, but in such a way as to leave the writer visible. That is, the crematory oven is neither behind nor in front of Levi, but both at the same time (and vice versa), as if Levis head were partially translucent. Similarly, in Survivor . the internee is behind and on top of Levi at the same time, for while Levi is layered on top of the prisoners torso, the stripes from his uniform are painted on Levis face, and while Levis face is on the plane closest to the spectator, a space has been carved into Levis forehead, and the internees head inserted into it. Perhaps most startlingly and with much virtuosity, in Witness . a portrait of Levi has been placed onto the canvas-covered foam core surface, but then another picture has been literally carved into the writer. In an ironic use of trompe loeil, a barbed wire fence and a set of train tracks seem to be receding into Levis body. In the foreground are images of children of the Shoah, layered on top of the canvas and painted with varying degrees of abstraction. Levi himself is then placed in a room that resembles a bunker, but one apparently filled with the smoke of the crematory ovens, his hands, themselves on different planes, struggling to grasp the young victims. In all of these instances, though to varying degrees, Levi has been rendered translucent, his bodily identity and boundaries interrupted by memories and reminders of the Shoah. For the photographs from which all of the portraits have been constructed are from his years after having been an internee. The sum of these techniques is a brilliant paradox. In all three cases, the boundaries between Levi and the past have been both erased and reasserted. Present and past interrupt one another, not only temporally but spatially. Levi as survivor is behind, in front of, and traversed by images of the Shoah. The black lines that in two of the portraits traverse Levis face, while literally connecting the contemporary image of Levi to an image of the past, also reference both carbon and ash as the brochure for the exhibition reminds us, il carbone ha la stessa valenza della cenere, carbon has the same valence as ash. Carbon is the main element in all organic matter ash signifies both the horrors of the Shoah ovens and refers to Gods punishment of Adam and Eve in Genesis 3:19. In a related vein, the brochure mentions Riverss technique of cancellation, wherein the artist drew and then partially erased images. A technique Rivers developed via a series of drawings of Holocaust victims, this erasing is similar to the painting techniques employed by Rivers in the Levi portraits in at least two respects. On the one hand, it is another version of rendering the Holocaust victim translucent, there and not there at the same time, for, in the canceled drawings, parts of the figures have been erased. On the other, the erasing techniques lighten the hues of the colors and blur the drawings lines, creating diffuse patches and swaths of color. The ashy stripes and washes in the Levi portraits are thus painterly versions of cancellation, the washes re-presenting both color and its subtraction, the presence of the artist and his subtraction the lifework is preserved in this work and at the same time canceled (Benjamin 1968, 263). 34 Additionally, Riverss washes of color and stripes also refer to American abstract expressionism, and in complex, ironic ways. For here and elsewhere, Rivers seems to be exploiting and commenting upon, in a mannerist fashion, the conceit of painting as gesture, as his contemporary Jasper Johns also did (On Riverss influence on Johns, see Hunter 1989 , 25). On the one hand, the lines, as well as the loose, abstract shapes and washes of color that appear in all three canvases, reassert the flatness of those canvases. Spread across the canvas surfaces, the patches of color obstruct attempts to read the image perspectivally. Countering Rivers building up of raised areas as well as those areas where he has resorted to the use of linear perspective the crematory ovens of Perodic Table . the receding train tracks and barbed wire fence of Witness the lines and washes of color create an interesting visual tension between the two and three dimensional that adds to the paintings deconstruction of a series of binary opposites: not simply flatnessdepth but also foregroundbackground, pastpresent, insideoutside, presentabsent. Complicating this tension even further is Riverss use of these washes of color in a more traditional manner to shade Levis face and body. Once again, Rivers combines different representational systems simultaneously. Riverss critically reflexive appropriation of painting as gesture suggests that, in a post-Shoah world the very world in which the American expressionists stole the idea of modern art (Guilbaut 1985) the conceit of art as a vehicle for either self-expression or transcendence of material reality is obscene. In a related vein, in all three portraits, the abstract patches also read as so much dust taking us back to the tropes of carbon and erasure. This is particularly true of Periodic Table . where the white painted areas dirtying Levis black suit resemble ashes from the crematory ovens. Similarly, in Witness, the smoke and ash from the ovens threatens to overtake the bunker and, as in the previous painting, Levis jacket is stained by abstract washes of color. The palette of all three canvases call up images of fire (via Levis skin tones in particular, but also, in Witness . the wash of color that connects Levis body with both the bunker in which he has been placed and the train tracks, barbed wire, and children) and ash. The Exhibition Context of the Portraits 35 In addition to the portraits, other elements of the exhibition included three photographic portraits of Levi three glass cases and commentary on the exhibition in the form of wall text (much of it reproduced, though in a different order, in the Italian language exhibition brochure) as well as the words, painted on the wall in Levis own hand-writing, of the poem with which Se questo un uomo opens, Shem, itself the name of the central prayer in Judaism (Harrowitz 2007, 28).Read scrupulously, this context is highly contradictory, a site in which competing models of a relation to the past are juxtaposed, sometimes even in the same artifact. For example, the preservation of Levis handwriting on the wall serves, in the space of a museum, an auratic function like expressionist painting, it preserves traces of the dead authors human presence. But the colored script also calls up the image of so much graffiti. Perhaps not surprisingly, although the exhibit has since closed, Levis poem remains on the museums walls. The first glass case contained the manuscript of La Bambina di Pompeii , a poem published first in La Stamp . December, 23, 1978, and successively in the collection Ad ora incerta of 1984. Riverss drawing technique of cancellation and its painterly phantom double have the paradoxical effect of making present an absence, much the way ash is an index of what no longer exists. La Bambina is similarly about the presence of absence, for it recounts the traces in the present of murdered children. The plaster cast of one of Pompeiis victims, the writings of Anne Frank, a Japanese schoolgirl transformed by Hiroshima into ombra confitta nel muro dalla luce di mille soli, (shadow driven into the wall by the light of a thousand suns): each is the visible reminder of a child erased from existence. As we will see, these images in turn potentially resonate with the wall text left in situ and its reminder of the children murdered in the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. However, the enclosing of the manuscript in a glass case repeats the monumentalizing gesture of the other glass cases. They seek to reinvest the mechanically produced objects they contain with aura by conferring on them a unique existence in the space and time of the exhibit. If the technique of reproduction detaches the reproduced object from the domain of tradition, the enclosure of that object in a glass case re-endows the object with cult value (Benjamin 1936). Thus a first (1947) edition of Se questo . open to the first page of the chapter Il Viaggio, occupied the second glass case. The page describes the February 21, 1944 announcement that all Jews currently interned at Fossoli were to be deported: Per ognuno che fosse mancato allappello, dieci sarebbero stati fucilatifor each one missing at the roll call, ten will be executed. The third case contained a leaflet advertising this same novel, on the back of which (and thus unable to be seen) was a print of the manuscript of Shem. The leaflet copy does not mention Levis Jewishness, but perhaps this is simply because his name would be recognized as of Jewish origin. Three oversize black and white photographic portraits hung on one wall of the room. They include a portrait of a smiling young Levi seated on a bench in a garden at the home of his maternal grandparents an image of the post-Shoah Levi in profile posed in front of a photograph of an internee lying in his bunk, the wideness of the latters gaze paradoxically suggesting both life and death simultaneously a photo of Levi surrounded by students from the Scuola Media Rosselli. The overall effect of these photographs is haunting, as they remind us of Levis past (Levi portrayed as an adolescent, at an age where his arms and legs have grown so fast that they seem too long for his body) his survivor present, as depicted in the two portraits from the post-Shoah years and his future death under ambiguous circumstances. But the photographs themselves are of little value, inexpensive reproductions of casual snapshots. The Portraits in the Context of the Emancipation Room In terms of what was left in situ in the room, these included a camp uniform and other objects from the post-emancipation period, including an 1860 Chair of the Prophet Elijah used for circumcisions, sketches and a model from the competition for the building of the Tempio Maggiore . two contemporary art works, and a portrait of Samuele Alatri, Jewish Italian patriot and politician. On the wall of this room is a text in Italian, English, and Hebrew, labeled Rome and Israel. This text narrates the history of Roman Zionism from the turn of the twentieth century to the present. It asserts that the entire community has always stood side by side with the Jewish state ((Di Castro 2010, 61), organizing aid and assistance during all of Israels wars (wall text). But, seemingly contradicting itself, the text then references some of the aforementioned events of 1982. In that year, When the Israeli army was forced to defend the countrys northern border with Lebanon from Palestinian sic, a group strongly critical of Israeli policy arose within the Jewish community of Rome. An appeal published in the Rome daily La Repubblica after the widely discussed massacres of Sabra and Shatila, signed by numerous Jewish intellectuals, was the first, painful division of the community over the subject of Israel (61). 36 Note how, though unnamed, Jews (like Levi) who protested Israeli military policy are also construed as belonging to the Roman Comunit. According to Ward, Levi was not living in Rome at this time (Ward 2007, 3). Levi is thus, however inadvertently, construed as simulta neously belonging and not belonging to the Comunit. The museum is not alone in this regard, as at least one other historian refers to these events as having revealed cleavages within le Comunit ebraiche (Molinari 1995, 106). As the previous discussion of Italian Zionism suggests, these comments are perhaps a bit misleading, in part the result of the ambiguity around just what constitutes the Jewish community versus those inscribed in the register of the Comunit. Rome and Israel specifically cites Dante Lattes as one of the figures responsible for the spread to Rome of what it terms political Zionism ((Di Castro 2010, 58). Lattes Ed il libro however, had expressed concerns over the way some aspects of post-emancipation Italian national identity seemed to undercut Jewish cultural and religious identity a point the guidebook does not mention. Although, in a discussion of Enzo Sereni, the guidebook mentions the pioneering, Socialist wing of Zionism, the birth of the state of Israel is constructed as a narrative that leads directly from Socialist to Political Zionism the comments that the Comunit has always stood by Israel are prefaced by a comment that it was led in this direction first by Rabbi David Prato, an ardent Zionist ((Di Castro 2010, 61). Sereni occupies a crucial role in the museums constructing of the link between Zionism and Roman Jewish anti-fascism, as when the museum text describes him and his wife as two people destined to make a n enormous contribution to the history of the future state of Israel, Enzo to the ultimate sacrifice, in 1944, parachuting beyond German lines in his attempt to save the Jews of Rome from the Nazis. Fascism was an ultra-nationalist ethos whose adherents in Italy forced Jews to side with the Italian state by denying Zionism and a universal Jewish identity. After the Holocaust, the effect of this refusal of temporal continuity in Italy was a collapsing of the past with the present. At the museum, the Roman Jewish community is presented as always Zionist, as in commentary such as It is no accident that one of the first, most active sections of the Italian Zionist Federation was founded in Rome, where the group Avoda was formed ((Di Castro 2010, 61). Clearly, one of the things at stake in the museums claim is, intentional or not, an attempt to draw boundaries separating the Italian Jewish Comunit as represented by its leadership in particular from the Italian Jewish community and, in the process, produce a particular version of Roman Jewish history. The museums phrase side by side with Jewish state may refer, then, to the period following the actual foundation of the state of Israel. More pertinently to the present argument, however, the letter signed by Roman Jewish intellectuals, including Levi, was published before the massacres, not in response to them. In other words, opposition among some Italian Jews to Israeli military policy predates the infamous events o f Sabra and Shatila. The text also admits, however, that within the community, diverse views with respect to the state of Israels government and defense policies coexist. Nonetheless, there seems to be no space in the museum whatsoever for a discussion of a two-state solution, Israel having risen, like a mythical phoenix, out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire (Di Castro 2010, 34) the Arabs living in the region are typically cast as perpetrators of violence (34), and the Israeli armys actions as defensive (61). In the section of the museum on Libyan Jews, times in the past when Jews, Christians, and Muslims lived together in peace in the Middle East are trivialized by the suggestion that it was only by paying taxes to the Muslims that Jews were granted a modicum of tolerance. (Interestingly, Julius Caesar, who also taxed the Jews, is instead referred to as their protector (Di Castro 2010, 36). While the museum laments that expelled Libyan Jews were never compensated for their lost property, no such suggestion of the need for recompense is made concerning displaced Palestinians. In a film that now plays in the Emancipation room, the expulsion of Jews from Libya is referred to as a diaspora and compared to the Spanish expulsion of 1492 no mention is made in the film of the Italian colonization of Libya. In this same film, the problem of the 1982 invasion of Lebanon is framed as one of public relations, Israel not having adequately explained to the rest of the world its actions. As I have already noted in my discussion of its statement on the obligation that men cover their heads, the museum explicitly defines Roman Jews as Orthodox, as this quotation, from the room From Judaei to Jews reiterates: Along with the Orthodox tradition (the point of reference of It alian and Roman Jewry, even if not everyone in private observes every single commandment), modern Judaism comprises other movements. Especially in the English-speaking countries, these movements aim to modernize some exterior aspects of Judaism (Conservative Judaism) or otherwise do not consider themselves strictly bound by tradition (Reform or Liberal Judaism) (Di Castro 2010, 31). According to Bassi, Italian Judaism today is characterized by an approximate and selective observance of halakh (2011, 252) on the order of what is sometimes called, according to its detractors, cafeteria Catholicism (254). Apparently, the museum does not feel authorized to make this claim, and so it fudges the question (and attempts to head off controversy) via the phrase every single commandment. This explanation of a lived Orthodoxy that includes a certain flexibility in ones private practice of Judaism, however, is complicated by the fact that what counts as every single commandment cannot be broached by the museum without risk of alienating either Orthodox or reform-minded Italian Jews 8212 though, in characteristic Orthodox fashion, the museum does argue that the Jewish woman plays a particularly marked role in maintaining the 613 mitzvot . (Bassi 2011, 267-68 offers a pointed critique of this type of pseudo-feminism). Orthodoxy is also not in keeping with Levis concept of integration as the museum stresses, Orthodoxy can only be maintained via a closed community that can ensure the maintenance of tradition, particularly in the Diaspora. Additionally: clearly, wearing a yarmulke at all times is not a private act, and the exhibitions multiple images of Primo Levi minus a yarmulke provoke a compelling dissonance concerning Italian Jewish identity, regardless of the museums stated intentions. What the museums comments on Orthodoxy elide is that, associated with the World Union for Progressive Judaism, reform congregations currently exist in Florence and Milan (where there are two), and, most recently, Rome. 37 These congregations are not recognized, however, by the Unione delle Comunit Ebraiche Italiane, or UCEI, the official legal representative of Italian Judaism. 38 To quote one blog writer, To be a Reform Jew in Italy is to struggle with invisibility (Reliable Narrator, 2010). (Virtually every single time I have taken the museums tour of the Synagogue, visitors have been told that all Italian Jews are Orthodox.) Finally, apparently, in Italy, religious orthodoxy and a critique of the military policies of the state of Israel are incompatible, the UCEI recognizing the centrality of the State of Israel for contemporary Jewish identity. Such a centering of Jewish life on the State of Israel is not in keeping with the Levi who valued the hybridity and polyvocality of the Diaspora and the vital role it plays in maintaining a vibrant contemporary Judaism. It also simplifies the complex historical relationship between Italian Jewish identity, Israel, and religious orthodoxy a relationship explored in the popular Jewish press perhaps most frequently by Anna Momigliano (2015), who most recently has suggested that with the recent death of Romes Rabbi Toaff will come a bowing to Israeli orthodoxy by young Italian rabbis. As Bassi similarly suggests, If historically Italian Jewish culture was distinguished by its elasticity and permeability, today it seems increasingly to appear provincial and conformist (2011. 20). Finally, this centering of Jewish life on the state of Israel feeds into a general denial of non-Zionist Jewish experience perpetrated by the state in pursuit of its highly partisan ends. 39 The LeviRivers exhibition invites controversy and commentary, but only if one already knows something of the history of Italian (and Roman) Jewry. What it does not do is offer experiments with exhibition design in such a way as to offer multiple perspectives or to reveal the tendentiousness of the approach taken (Lavine and Karp 1995, 6). On the one hand, the juxtaposition of the Levi exhibition with the other objects in the Novecento (1900s) room seems perfectly appropriate and non-controversial the Shoah is part of twentieth-century Italian Jewish history, and Levi was not only a survivor of it but an important writer and intellectual figure. On the other hand, while a matter of public record, Levis critique of Israeli military policy of the 1980s is likely unknown to non-Italian visitors to the museum, and the myriad, hybrid, and complex ways in which Italian Jews live their identities is not likely to be foregrounded by a museum that both links the past, present, and future of Italian Jews to Zionism and privileges Orthodox Judaism. This, despite the fact that the turn of the last century saw according to one writer a paradox characterized by a Jewish community (the writer specifically uses here the lowercase comunit ) completely assimilated yet proud of its particularism and eager to discuss publicly and with much passion problems of national-religious identity, of orthodoxy, of a specifically Jewish morality (Dan Segre 1995, xi). This portrait clearly contrasts with calls to police more rigorously, for signs of leftist and allegedly anti-Semitic critiques of Israel, the Italian Jewish press (Volli, 2013). Johnathan Flatley (2008) locates in modernist aesthetics the desire to find a way to map out and get a grasp on the new affective terrain of modernity (4). For Flatley, that terrain is melancholy. Reading Benjamin, Flatley suggests that a range of historical processes, such as urbanization, the commodity, new forms of technologized war, and factory work required people to shield themselves from the material world around them, to stop being emotionally open to that world and the people in it (69). That shielding or loss of experience results in a collective and historically specific affect, melancholy. World War II and the Shoah represent one of the most horrific events of the modern era, and, as Levis work so clearly illustrates, one of the ways of surviving the lager was precisely to cease feeling empathy for ones fellow sufferers. Levi provides, among other examples, that of old Kuhn, who sat in his bunk saying loud prayers of thanks to God that he had not been chosen for selection, while, in the bunk across from him, twenty-year-old Beppo the Greek, who knew that he would die in the gas chamber within a few days, stared fixedly at the light bulb (Levi 2005, 116). As Levi puts it, Kuhn un insensato. Clearly, like Levis work, Riverss portraits are a testament to a peculiarly modern form of melancholy one whose trauma hopefully will never be forgotten and whose loss is experienced consciously. Such an account of irreparable, conscious loss is also at odds with Freuds (pre-Shoah) understanding of the work of mourning and its eventual giving up of the cathexis to the lost object, whereby deference for reality gains the day (1917, 166). Freuds account of the difference between mourning and melancholia, wherein, in the case of the latter, the mourner experiences unconscious loss (166) and displays something which is lacking in grief an extraordinary fall in his self-esteem, an impoverishment of his ego on a grand scale (167) is likewise flawed. For, in the case of collective devastations like the Holocaust or HIV, melancholy seems not a pathology but rather an appropriate psychic response involving both conscious and unconscious processes (Crimp, 2002). As Flatley (2008) suggests, for Benjamin, Melancholia is not a problem to be cured loss is not something to get over and leave behind (64) or as Derrida (1994) writes, in fact and by right interminable, without possible normality, without reliable limit (97). In his work on spectrality, Derrida argues that certain types of mourning respond to the injunction of a justice which, beyond right or law, rises up in the very respect owed to whoever is not, no longer or not yet, living, presently living (97). Similarly, Flatley argues for the importance of an antidepressive, political, and politicizing melancholia (27), one whose purpose is to allow for the historicization of affect and presumably a collective recognition of and response to its causes. Flatley specifically privileges aesthetic experiences that produce in the spectator a sense of self-estrangement, a de-familiarization of ones own (melancholic) emotional life that makes possible a new kind of recognition, interest, and analysis (80). Following Adorno, he suggests that, in its non coincidence with the historical present, the art work makes possible an alternative to what currently exists (81). It is a form of knowledge that resists instrumentalization. At the same time, from the point of view of its reception in particular, art works bring affects into existence in forms and in relation to objects that otherwise might not exist (81), or as Deleuze and Guattari (1994) suggest, Art undoes the triple organization of perceptions, affections, and opinions in order to substitute a monument composed of percepts, affects, and blocks of sensation that take the place of language (176). Riverss portraits of Primo Levi are examples of the politicized modernist melancholy charted by Flatley. They are overt attempts to defamiliarize Levi by appropriating and altering photographs of the writer and processing them through an aesthetic vocabulary that rewrites both the romantic isolationism of abstract expressionism and what John Berger (1972) has called the eventlessness of contemporary advertising, wherein all real events are exceptional and happen only to strangers (153). Specifically, in place of publicitys fascination with surface and, by extension, a future continually deferred (153) one in which the consumerspectators life has been made better via the acquisition of the advertised commodity Riverss portraits of Levi interrupt the hermetic time and space of Renaissance painting. Their refusal to respect what, owing to his status as survivor and the circumstances of his death is, in Levis case in particular, the integrity (and sanctity) of the photographic portrait their playful commentary on perspective their refusal to let the images speak for themselves all are precisely an attack on the aura of the work of art, a notion that, in a post-Shoah world, can no longer be tolerated. But in place of Warhols postmodern abandonment of critique, Rivers uses the techniques of the mass media, its determination to turn the present into yesterdays news, in the service of a monumental act of remembrance and mourning (the size of these canvases also being pertinent here.) 40 In the chapter of Se Questo un uomo titled Sul Fondo, Levi describes his arrival at the concentration camp. After having been separated from the women and children, the ninety-six exhausted, hungry, and thirsty internees who had managed to survive the initial selection were then transported by truck to the camp, la Buna, made to strip naked, and then herded into a shower where they were shaved, sheared of their hair, disinfected, handed shoes and a striped uniform, and then forced to run through the snow to a barracks, where they were allowed to dress. Levi writes, Now for the first time we realized that our language lacked words to express this offense, the destruction of a man (2005, 23. Out of the more than five hundred Italian Jews in Levis convoy, only these ninety some men and twenty-nine women survived this initial selection 2005,17). Riverss aesthetic of layering and painting over photographs of Levi is a visual analogy for the attempt to rebuild the survivor, to restore to him something of his humanness and to harness an antidepressive melancholy for the almost impossible task of historicizing the Shoah and its aftermath. That Rivers received the commission for the portraits of Levi shortly after the writers death suggests the ways Levi as icon continues to be inhabited, perhaps haunted, by meaning. Particularly pertinent in this context are Riverss formal innovations and the way they re-produce Levi as ghost via traces in the form of erasing, photographs of photographs, paintings of photographs, and so forth. Given Israels continued military actions in Gaza and the West Bank, Hamas response, and the way that, in public debate, certain figures and tropes from the past have recently returned to haunt the present from an anti-Semitism that holds all Jews responsible for the violence perpetrated by the current Israeli government against the Palestinians, to the equating of all Palestinians with terrorists, to the insistence that any critique whatsoever of Zionism is anti-Semitic, to the continued morbid attraction for the formula of the victims turned torturers (Marzano and Schwarz 2013, 161), Riverss portraits allow Levi to continue to call us to address a wrong. Their exhibition is political in the precise sense of making possible a space from which we might challenge one version of the social world the claim that the Palestinians as a people dont exist, or already have a state (Jordan), or the remainder of the litany of excuses provided by the defenders of the violence of various Israeli governments and their United States supporters with an act of dissensus. Achilli, Michelle. 1989. I socialisti tra Israele e Palestina (dal 1892 ai nostri giorni.) Milan: Marzoratti. Angier, Carole. 2002. The Double Bond: Primo Levi, A Biography . New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux. Baroz, Emanel. 2012. Cronaca di come la propaganda propalestinese abbia mistificato il suo pensiero. 12 April. Focus on Israel . Francesco Lucrezi. Le vere parole di Levi. focusonisrael. org20120412primo-levi-palestinesi-ebrei. Accessed August 31, 2013. Bassi, Shaul. 2011. Essere qualcun altro. Ebrei postmoderni e postcoloniali . Venezia: Cafoscarina. 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Witness is based on a 1988 pencil and pastel drawing on the same subject. Back to essay 2. On the importance of Levis natal city of Turin to his life and work, see Ward 2007. Back to essay 3. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are my own. Back to essay 4. I employ this admittedly awkward phrase affiliated with to indicate anyone regardless of his or her cultural or religious identity who is invested, affectively and intellectually, in the question of Palestinian-Israeli relations and how the traces of Primo Levi in the present might help us to answer that question. On affiliation as a critical concept, see Said 1984. Back to essay 5. Dean here is paraphrasing Laclau 1996. Back to essay 6. On June 29, 1982, Filippo Gentiloni published an article that first quoted a line from Levis novel Se non ora, quando (If Not Now, When) . published in April of that year: Everyone is the Jew of Someone(Levi 1997, 427). Gentiloni then added, in his own words, E oggi i palestinesi sono gli ebrei degli israeliani (And today the Palestinians are the Jews of the Israelis. Scarpa and Soave 2102). Sometime subsequently, the two phrases mutated into a single syllogism attributed to Levi. Thirty years later, Domenico Scarpa and Irene Soave published an essay that revealed that the insidious syllogism mis-attributed to Levi and widely disseminated via the internet was in fact written by Gentiloni. The two phrases were both attributed to Levi by Carole Angier (2002, 628), and when Joan Acocella reviewed Angiers book in the New Yorker . she simply cited what she had read. Scarpa and Soave blame Acocella for the false aphorism. For an alternative reading of the syllogism and its conditions of possibility, see Perugini, Nicola and Francesco Zucconi 2012. One of the many people who, in the years between 1982 and 2012, had repeated this syllogism was Jewish scholar Judith Butler (2004). Butlers comments were originally delivered at the Second International Conference on an End to the Occupation, A Just Peace in Israel-Palestine: Towards an Active International Network in East Jerusalem, January 4th-5th, 2004. In the talk, Butler identifies herself as a diasporic Jew of Ashkenazi origin. On responses to Butlers work on IsraelPalestine, see Magid 2014. I thank Guri Schwartz for bringing these works to my attention. Magid specifically argues that Butlers critics conflate a critique of Zionism with anti-Semitism (237). In an epigraph to the article, Magid repeats the oft-cited syllogism. Unfortunately, like Butler, he mis-attributes it to Levi. Scarpa and Soaves essay was also widely discussed on the internet one response, for example, was titled chronicle of how the pro-Palestinian propaganda has mystified the thoughts of Levi (Baroz 2012). Back to essay 7. On the aesthetic turn, see, for example, Shapiro 2103. On queer unhistoricism, see Freccero 2006. On the Subaltern Studies collective, see Spivak 1988. Back to essay 88. Damish is citing here what he calls Benjamins Joseph Fuchs, collectionneur et historien. The actual title of Benjamins 1937 essay is Edward Fuchs: Collector and Historian. Back to essay 9. The Levi exhibit was located in this room for reasons museum personnel describe as practical considerations. Olga Melasecchi and Claudio Procaccia, interview by the author, Rome, Italy, July 22, 2013. Back to essay 10. Clasby and I argue that this is part of the larger project of the museum, which is to distinguish Jewish Resistance to the Nazis from other Resistance narratives by inserting Jewish Resistance into the larger narrative of the history of the state of Israel. Also, while they named considerations of space as the primary impetus to locating the Levi exhibition in this room, members of the Comunit are aware of the problems of the 1900 room, as it tries to house too many items from too great a period of time. They are also well aware of the tensions that necessarily arise between the museum as a secular institution and the religious life and exigences of the Communit. Back to essay 11. It is worth noting that not all Italian Jewish museums focus on Zionism to the extent that Romes does, Florences museum being one example. Back to essay 12. From what I have been able to determine, the renovation seems to have been primarily designed by the museums former (and now deceased) director, Di Castro, who also wrote the wall copy. Back to essay 13. Crane argues that there has been a historical shift in the function of the institution. Specifically, in the nineteenth century, museums became, first and foremost, providers of instruction (47). She writes, What had begun as an elite undertaking to save, record, and produce the cultural heritage of the past and the present in the Romantic era. had exploded into a popular public project (46-47). That is, there occurred a shift in the role and aesthetics of the museum, from a nineteenth-century aesthetic of instruction to a twentieth-century aesthetic of dialogue a dialogue that sometimes produces, if not exactly solicits, public controversy. Back to essay 14. When I spoke to the museum personnel about its competing goals and the difficulty of presenting their complexity to an audience of museum goers, they reminded me that most people who visit the museum take part in a guided tour, as, for security reasons, the Tempio Maggiore can only be visited in this way. Unfortunately, having taken this guided tour numerous times, I recognize that the guides talk seems to be primarily scripted and seldom deviates from what is clearly a religiously inflected understanding of Italian Jewish history. Back to essay 15. Mendels work (2005) unfortunately contains several errors in its account of Jewish history, such as his claim that Turin has the oldest ghetto in Italy (63). He also dates an Italian Jewish community in Rome to the Emperor Nero (62) most other sources, including the Jewish Museum of Rome, date it from the mid second century BCE. Back to essay 16. For an English translation of the bull, see Bull Cum Nimis Absurdum. Back to essay 17. The standard history of Italian Jewry in English is Roth 1969. On Venice, see Calimani 1987. Back to essay 18. See Parussa 2005 for more on Levis return to Judaism. Back to essay 19. This is the English translation of Levis (1965) La tregua . about his return from Auschwitz to Turin. The Italian version contains an account by Levi of his own Judaism. See Presentazione, in La Tregua (1963), 5-6 in particular. Back to essay 20. Harrowitz provides a detailed analysis of what she terms various phases of Levis Jewish identity. Back to essay 21. Symptomatically, an earlier version of this essay was rejected by a reader who chastised me for considering Levi really Jewish. The writer also called into question Natalia Ginzburgs Jewish credentials. For a more sympathetic reading of the latters relationship to Judaism, see Castronuovo 2010. Back to essay 22. On Zionism as a response to the Shoah, see Mankowitz 2002. Back to essay 23. On pre-war Italian Zionism, see Bettin 2010. One of the first middlebrow biographies in English on Vladimir Jabotinsky (with a foreword by Menachem Begin) suggests that, from Jabotinskys point of view, there were, of course, no Zionist leanings whatsoever in Italian Jewry at the turn of the century (Schechtman 1956, 56). Rabbi Giuseppe Sonnino of Naples, Italian representative to the 1898 Second Zionist Congress, declared devotion to philanthropy for persecuted brethren to be the official platform of Italian Zionists (Hametz 2007, 111). There were in fact debates within the Roman Jewish community over Zionism, perhaps most vividly embodied by Felice Momigliano, who, according to Maurizio Molinari can be remembered as the most Zionist among the adversaries of Zionism and the most assimilated of the Zionists (Molinari 1991, 63). A socialist and ultimately denouncer of Fascism for its authoritarianism and violence, Momigliano lived in Rome from 1912 until 1924, when he committed suicide. (Tarquini 2011). Additionally, according to Alessandra Tarquini (2011), an interpretation of Zionism widely diffused among Socialists at the turn of the century considered it a movement born in the ambit of the Second International for the emancipation of the Jewish proletariat persecuted by antisemitism and exploitation. Back to essay 24. Two additional sources on Italian Jews and the Fascist regime are De Felice 2001 and Stille 1991. Sarfatti and De Felice disagree in particular on the level of Italian anti-Semitism prior to Fascism, with Sarfatti noting its presence across Italian history and De Felice suggesting it was a recent phenomenon, linked to Mussolinis desire to emulate Hitlers policies. Recent critical work seems to have come to a consensus that Italian anti-Semitism must be understood in light of Italian Colonial racism, which predates Fascism though the debates continue. For example, Gillette (2002) argues a position close to De Felices, while Bosworth (2006) sees Fascist anti-Semitism as linked to colonialism. Back to essay 25. Marzano and Schwarz cite several examples of political cartoons that cross the line between critique of Israeli military policy and anti-Semitism. However, the writers do not acknowledge that the star of David is both a symbol of Judaism and the state of Israel this means that any critical deployment of the symbol whatsoever can be construed as anti-Semitic. See, for example, Marzano and Schwarz 2013: 89, 93, and 140. Back to essay 26. Other signatories included Franco Belgrado, Edith Bruck, Ugo Caffaz, Miriam Cohen, Natalia Ginzburg, David Meghnagi, and Luca Zevi. (Meotti 2013). The letter eventually included 150 signatories. The war had begun ten days earlier, on June 6 of that year. Back to essay 27. Scarpa and Soave, however, misdate the interview as June 28. Back to essay 28. On the coverage in the Italian press of the events of 1982, see Scherini 2010. Back to essay 29. On Revisionist Zionism and its relationship to fascism, see Kaplan 2005. Back to essay 30. See, for example, Brogi 2012 Tagliacozzo 2012. Back to essay 31. For a recent (non-scholarly) biography of Agnelli in English, see Clark 2012. Back to essay 32. For an image of the photograph of Levi on which Periodic Table is based, see Hunter 1989, 44. Throughout his career, Rivers was drawn to Jewish subjects, from his 1952 oil painting Burial . based on his own grandmothers funeral (15), to Four Seasons . Back to essay 33. Admittedly, the line between the kinds of images the two artists appropriate is not hard and fast, as both have, for example, altered, in different ways, iconic images culled from so-called high art: in the case of Warhol, da Vincis fresco of the Last Supper . for example in the case of Rivers, perhaps most famously, Emanuel Leutzes Washington Crossing the Delaware . As for advertising, there is clearly a relationship between Warhols Campbells Soup cans and Brillo boxes and Riverss images of Camel cigarette packages and cigar boxes. Back to essay 34. For images of some of Riverss canceled works, see Larry Rivers 2013. Riverss technique of cancellation suggests a parallel to Robert Rauschenberg in particular, Rauschenberg Erased de Kooning Drawing of 1953. Back to essay 35. For images of both the portraits and other objects displayed, see Garoffolo 2013. Back to essay 36. For some reason, there are slight differences between the text I reproduce here, which comes from the museum catalog, and the actual wall text. In terms of this particular passage, the major difference is that Sabra and Shatila are identified in the wall text as Palestinian refugee camps. This same passage identifies the holiday during which the terrorist attack occurred as Sukkoth (or Sukkot), which it was, as Shemini Azeret is sometimes considered the eighth day of Sukkoth. Other times, it is considered a separate holiday. The Italian wall text is different still, the most significant difference being more details about Sabra and Shatila, including the dates over which the killings occurred, the fact that the killers were Christian Lebanese militiamen, that the area was under the direct control of the Israeli army, and an estimate of the deaths as between hundreds and 3,500. As is the case with the English translation, however, Operation Peace in Galilee is not referred to as a war but rather a defensive move on Israels part to defend its border with Lebanon from Palestinian attacks. Back to essay 37. Lev Chadash, the first reform congregation, dates from 2001. The others include Beth Shalom and Shir Hadash. Lev Chadash and Beth Shalom are in Milan Shir Hadash, Florence. Given my earlier comments about the museum tours, it is worth mentioning that I first learned of the Roman Reform congregation from a tour guide at the Museo Ebraico who responded to my inquiry about Reform Judaism in Italy by stating first that she was very interested in reaching out to this group, which meets in the vicinity of the synagogue (the guide did not know the exact address, but referenced the famous fountain of the turtles), and second that her rabbi had discouraged her from doing so. The presence of this new community was confirmed by Guri Schwarz. In a text message of March 13, 2015, Schwarz wrote, at this time there is also a reform synagogue in rome (not a comunit in the strict sense of the word because it does not have official recognition), but it is precisely an unafflitiated liberal association not recognized by either the state or the italian jewish institutions (as is also the case in milan and elsewhere sic). Original in Italian. Back to essay 38. For an account of tensions in Italys Jewish community around Orthodoxy, see Gruber 2010. In Italy, the Ministero dellInterno is responsible for relations between the Italian state and the various religious denominations, which are required to have official representatives. See n37. Back to essay 39. This phrase partisan ends is used by Moses (2011, 557) in a discussion of Zertal 2005. Back to essay 40. Admittedly, this reading of Warhol is a partial one. For an alternative and admittedly convincing reading of the artist as offering, in at least some of his works, a critique of commodity culture, see Berger, Maurice 1985. Back to essay